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An 18th-century painting depicting sati. Sati or suttee is an obsolete funeral custom where a immolates herself on her husband's or in another fashion shortly after her husband's death. Mention of the practice can be dated back to the 3rd century BC, while evidence of practice by widows of kings only appears beginning between the 5th and 9th centuries CE. The practice is considered to have originated within the warrior in India, gradually gaining in popularity from the 10th century AD and spreading to other groups from the 12th through 18th century CE.

The practice was particularly prevalent among some communities, observed in aristocratic families, and has been attested to outside South Asia in a number of localities in Southeast Asia, such as in Indonesia and. Under, the practice was initially tolerated. In the province of Bengal, sati was attended by a colonial government official, which states historian, 'not only seemed to accord an official sanction, but also increased its prestige value'. Between 1815 and 1818, the number of sati in Bengal province doubled from 378 to 839. Under sustained campaigning against sati by Christian missionaries such as and Brahmin Hindu reformers such as, the provincial government. This was followed up by similar laws by the authorities in the of India in the ensuing decades, with a general ban for the whole of issued by in 1861.

In, sati was banned in 1920. The Indian from 1988 further criminalised any type of aiding, abetting, and glorifying of sati. Orchha Sati Shrine Sati (: सती / satī) is derived from the name of the goddess, who self-immolated because she was unable to bear her father 's humiliation to her husband. The term sati was originally interpreted as 'chaste woman'. Sati appears in and texts, where it is synonymous with 'good wife'; the term suttee was commonly used by English writers. Sati designates therefore originally the woman, rather than the rite; the rite itself having technical names such as sahagamana ('going with') or sahamarana ('dying with'). Anvarohana ('ascension' to the pyre) is occasionally met, as well as satidaha as terms to designate the process.

Satipratha is also, on occasion, used as a term signifying the custom of burning widows alive. Two other terms related to sati are sativrata and satimata.

Sativrata, an uncommon and seldom used term, denotes the woman who makes a vow, vrat, to protect her husband while he is alive and then die with her husband. Satimata denotes a venerated widow who committed sati.

The Indian Commission of Part I, Section 2(c) defines sati as the act or rite itself. History [ ] Origins and comparisons [ ] Earliest records [ ] Few reliable records exist of the practice before the time of the, approximately 400 CE although the historian, who traveled to India with the expedition of, recorded that he had heard that among certain tribes widows were glad to burn along with their husbands, and that those who declined to die were disgraced. According to, the first inscriptional evidence of the practice is from in 464 CE, and in India from 510 CE. The early evidence suggests that widow-burning practice was seldom carried out in the general population. Centuries later, instances of sati began to be marked by inscribed memorial stones called Sati stones. According to J.C.

Harle, the medieval memorial stones appear in two forms – viragal (hero stone) and satigal (sati stone), each to memorialize something different. Both of these are found in many regions of India, but 'rarely if ever earlier in date than the 8th or 9th century'. Numerous memorial sati stones appear 11th-century onwards, states Michaels, and the largest collections are found in. A description of sati appears in the Greek 1st-century BCE historian 's account of the war fought in Iran between two of Alexander the Great's generals, of Cardia and. In 317 BCE Eumenes's cosmopolitan army defeated that of Antigonus in the.

Among the fallen was one Ceteus, the commander of Eumenes's Indian soldiers. Diodorus writes that Ceteus had been followed on campaign by his two wives, at his funeral the two wives competed for the honour of joining their husband on the pyre. After the older wife was found to be pregnant, Eumenes's generals ruled in favour of the younger. She was led to the pyre crowned in garlands to the hymns of her kinsfolk.

The whole army then marched three times around the pyre before it was lit. According to Diodorus the practice of sati started because Indians married for love, unlike the Greeks who favoured marriages arranged by the parents.

When inevitably many of these love marriages turned sour, the woman would often poison the husband and find a new lover. To end these murders, a law was therefore instituted that the widow should either join her husband in death or live in perpetual widowhood. Modern historians believe Diodorus's source for this episode was the eyewitness account of the now lost historian. Hieronymus' explanation of the origin of sati appears to be his own composite, created from a variety of Indian traditions and practices to form a moral lesson upholding traditional Greek values. In the 1886 published, and mention the practice of Suttee (sati) as an early custom of Russians near, tribes of in southeast Europe, and some tribes of Tonga and Fiji islands. Yule and Burnell also compiled a few dozen excerpts of historical descriptions of sati, the first being of Ceteus (or Keteus) mentioned above in 317 BC, and then a few before the 9th century AD, where the widow of a king had the choice to burn with him or abstain. Most of the compiled list on sati, by Yule and Burnell, date from 1200 AD through the 1870s AD.

Indo-European practices [ ] Part of on. • • • The archaeologist enlists clear parallels between the burial practices of the ancient Asiatic steppe (fl.

1800–1400 BCE) and the. In Kuzmina's archaeological definition, sati is understood as a double burial, the co-cremation of a man and a woman/wife, a feature to be found in both cultures. Kuzʹmina states that in the Androvo culture and Vedic age, the practice was never strictly observed and was symbolic. The sacrifice of widow(s) or a great man's retainers at his death is attested in various Indo-European cultures outside of India. As an example where the widows vied for the honour to die with their common husband, the 5th-century BCE historian mentions the tribe among the. The woman found to have been held highest in the husband's favour while he lived had her throat slit on his grave, the surviving wives reputedly regarding it as a great shame to have to live on.

Citing 6th-century AD from his 'Gothic Wars', notes that among the Germanic tribe of the, a widow typically hanged herself upon her husband's tomb. Practice in Hindu-influenced cultures outside India [ ] The early 14th-century CE traveller mentions wife burning in Zampa (), in nowadays south/central.

Anant Altekar states that sati spread with Hindu migrants to Southeast Asian islands, such as to, and. According to Dutch colonial records, this was however a rare practice in Indonesia, one found in royal households. Fresco Paint Pro Apk Download Free. Main article: The practice of, known from and, was the collective suicide of widows who preferred death rather than being captured alive and dishonored by victorious Muslim soldiers in a war.

According to Bose, jauhar practice grew in the 14th and 15th century with Hindu-Muslim wars of northwest India, where the Hindu women preferred death than slavery or rape they faced if captured. Sati-style jauhar custom was observed only during Hindu-Muslim wars in medieval India, but not during internecine Hindu-Hindu wars among the Rajputs. States that there was a distinction between jauhar and sati, because jauhar was principally motivated by a desire to avoid being captured by the invading Muslims, while sati was suicide of a devoted widow. John Hawley disagrees, and states there was a connection between jauhar and sati in terms of the insecurity and fears of the widow(s), and that these customs reinforced each other. Practice within Sikhs, Jains and Muslims [ ] Sati was observed within Sikh aristocracy. For example, when the founder of the died in 1839, four of his proper wives and seven of his concubines committed themselves to sati.

Two wives committed sati when Sikh King Kharak Singh died, and five women joined the funeral pyre of Maharaja Basant Singh. When Raja Suchet Singh died in 1844, 310 women committed sati. Sikh theology does not support the Sati practice, however, as is evidenced by the criticism of the practice by the 3rd Sikh Guru (1479–1554). In ancient texts of Jainism, such as the the term Sati is found, and it means 'virtuous woman'. Many texts include a list of sixteen Satis, ancient women that represent auspiciousness and virtue, names revered in the mythology of Hinduism as well. The connotation of the term Sati, states M Whitney Kelting, means the same 'virtuousness, chaste, dedication to her family' as in Hinduism, and in both cases, it is different from the associated practice called suttee during colonial British India.

Evidence suggests that there were instances of Sati practice (self immolation) by Jain women, including some in the 19th century. In the Epigraphia Carnatica, two of the 41 cases of sati in the time period 1400 to 1600 CE are those of Jain women. The low numbers of Jains known to have committed sati suggests that the practice was uncommon within this community. In Jainism, the alternate competing phenomenon of widows becoming nuns, after a husband's death, has been recorded. In Bihar, the Muslim widows were stated to be carrying out a related practice. Buchanan Hamilton in his early 19th century Shahabad report wrote that Sati-like practice had spread to because he had heard that a widow had herself buried in the coffin of her dead husband. Models for the spread of sati [ ] Altekar's chronology [ ] The earlier historian, in his (1938) The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization From Prehistoric Times to the Present Day held the position that the saw an active discontinuation of pre-historic burning of widows, on basis that a 1000 BCE funerary custom describes that of symbolic sati, where the widow lies down by her deceased husband, but is then bidden to rise again, to enjoy the bliss of children and wealth remaining for her.

In the following, a brief sketch on the chronology on the spread of sati, as proposed by Altekar is given. According to Altekar, there is no mention of actual sati in the period of Brahmana literature (c. 1500–700 BCE) and the later, roughly composed 600–300 BCE on a number of rituals, but sati is not described or mentioned.

In fact, what is written about funeral customs, is that the widow is brought back from the funeral pyre, typically by a trusted servant. Altekar thinks it significant that, who castigated customs of animal sacrifice, and other customs where pain was inflicted, is entirely silent about burning women alive. Altekar takes these elements as proofs that burning widows alive had long ago died out as a practice.

Nor do the authors of the (c. 400 BCE–100 BCE) or (c. 100 CE–300 CE) say anything about it being commendable to burn a widow alive on her husband's funeral pyre. Although we have late fourth-century BCE evidence from Greek authors and the for the 'existence' of the custom of sati, Altekar thinks it did not really begin to grow in popularity before 400 CE, by the manner of which it is infrequently mentioned in the of that time. A very early attested case from 510 CE is that of the wife of Goparaja, who immolated herself with her dead husband, according to the of king, with another similar case attested from 606 CE. As the custom grew in popularity, Altekar highlights as determined opponents of this aristocratic custom in particular 7th-century poet, but also 9th-century theologian and 12th-century Devana Bhatta.

In Altekar's view, their crusades against the custom were largely unsuccessful. According to Altekar, it is the period c. 700–1100 CE that sees sati becoming really widespread in India, in particular in. As the centuries wore on, Altekar provides a few statistics on the spread of the custom. In, a later stronghold for sati there are two, possibly three reliably attested cases before 1000 CE. For the period from 1200 to 1600 CE, there are at least 20 such cases.

For the, we have about 11 inscriptions relative to sati from 1000 to 1400 CE; for 1400-1600 CE we have 41. Thus, a main view that Altekar espoused is that the spread of sati increased over time (with local variations, for example reductions in territories governed by zealous rulers hostile to the practice), and probably was close to a maximum when the British began to intervene in the first decades of the nineteenth century. Modern causative models [ ] How, when, where and why the practice of sati spread are complex and much debated questions, without a consensus.

According to one model, proposed by Yang, taking into account the association of sati with the warrior elite in particular, sati only became really widespread during the Muslim invasions of India, and the practice of sati now acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain. Sashi states, 'the argument is that the practice came into effect during the Islamic invasion of India, to protect their honor from Muslims who were known to commit mass rape on the women of cities that they could capture successfully.' Satigal (sati stone) near, However, this theory does not address the evidence of occasional incidences of sati in pre-Islamic times. The first archeological evidence in the form of Sati stones extolling Sati appear around 700 CE, states John Hawley, including the great sati stones ( ma sati kal) from 8th through 15th-century CE and hero-stones ('virgal') from the 12th and 13th century. The practice remained limited to the warrior class among Hindus until the start of 2nd millennium CE. During the period of Muslim-Hindu conflict, performed a distinct form of sati known as as a direct response to the onslaught they experienced. The earliest Islamic invasions of South Asia have been recorded from early 8th century CE such as with the raids of, and major wars of Islamic expansion after the 10th century.

This chronology has led to the theory that the increase in sati practice in India may be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia. Alternate theories for the spread of sati include it expanding from Kshatriya caste to others castes, not because of wars, but on its own, as part of 'Sanskritization' and cultural phenomenon that conflated sati as a caste status symbol.

This theory has been challenged because it does not explain the spread of sati from Kashatriyas to Brahmins, and Brahmins were not considered to be of inferior caste status than Kshatriyas. Another theory, by Hawley, is that sati started as a 'nonreligious, ruling-class, patriarchal' ideology but later spread as a gilded status symbol of 'valor', 'honor' and 'purity', representing strength and courage in internecine Rajput wars, and after Muslim invasions where Hindu women feared becoming the 'booty for the captor' and committed jauhar and sati to avoid 'rape, torture and other ignominies'.

The above theories do not explain how and why sati practice continued during the colonial era, particularly in significant numbers in colonial Bengal Presidency (modern Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bangladesh and Assam). Three theories have been proposed: first that sati was believed to be supported by Hindu scriptures by the 19th century, second that sati was encouraged by unscrupulous neighbors because it was a means of property annexation from a widow who had the right to inherit her dead husband's property under Hindu law and sati helped eliminate the inheritor, and third theory being that was so extreme during the 19th century that sati was a means of escape for a woman with no means or hope of survival. Daniel Grey states that the understanding of origins and spread of sati were distorted in the colonial era because of a concerted effort to push 'problem Hindu' theories in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

Mughal Empire [ ]. A painting by Mohammad Rizā showing Hindu princess committing suttee against the wishes but reluctant approval of the Emperor. In the right foreground, attending the Sati on horseback, is the third son of Akbar, Prince Dāniyāl. According to, the Mughal Emperor was averse to the practice of Sati; however, he expressed his admiration for 'widows who wished to be cremated with their deceased husbands'. He was averse to abuse, and in 1582, Akbar issued an order to prevent any use of compulsion in sati. According to M. Reza Pirbhai, a professor of South Asian and World history, it is unclear if a prohibition on sati was issued by Akbar, and other than a claim of ban by Monserrate upon his insistence, no other primary sources mention an actual ban.

Instances of sati continued during and after the era of Akbar. For example, according to a poem, Sūz u gudāz ('Burning and melting') by Muhammad Riza Nau'i of Khasbushan (d. 1610), Akbar attempted to prevent a sati by calling a widow before him and offering her wealth and protection. The poet reports hearing the story from Prince Dāniyāl, Akbar's third son. According to Arvind Sharma, a professor of Comparative Religion specializing on Hinduism, the widow 'rejected all this persuasion as well as the counsel of the Brahmans, and would neither speak nor hear of anything but the Fire'., who succeeded Akbar in early 17th century, found sati prevalent among the Muslims of Rajaur (Kashmir). They had been converted to Islam by Sultan Firoz. During this era, many Muslims and Hindus were ambivalent about the practice, with Muslim attitude leaning towards disapproval.

According to Sharma, the evidence nevertheless suggests that sati was universally admired, and both 'Hindus and Muslims went in large numbers to witness a sati'. According to Reza Pirbhai, the memoirs of Jahangir suggest sati continued in his regime, was practiced by Hindus and Muslims, he was fascinated by the custom, and that those Kashmiri Muslim widows who practiced sati either immolated themselves or buried themselves alive with their dead husbands. Jahangir prohibited such sati and other customary practices in Kashmir. Issued another order in 1663, states, after returning from Kashmir, 'in all lands under Mughal control, never again should the officials allow a woman to be burnt'. The Aurangzeb order, states, though not mentioned in the formal histories, is recorded in the official records of Aurangzeb's time. Although Aurangzeb's orders could be evaded with payment of bribes to officials, adds, later European travelers record that sati was not much practiced in Mughal empire, and that Sati was 'very rare, except it be some Rajah's wives, that the Indian women burn at all' by the end of Aurangzeb's reign.

The memoirs of European merchants and travelers, as well the colonial era Christian missionaries of British India described Sati practices under Mughal rulers. The Spanish missionary Domingo Navarrete wrote in 1670 of different styles of Sati during Aurangzeb's time. British and other European colonial powers [ ]. A widow burning herself with the corpse of her husband, 1820s by the London-based illustrator from traveller accounts. Non-British colonial powers in India [ ] The Portuguese banned the practice in after the, however the practice continued in the region. The Dutch and the French banned it in and, their respective colonies.

The Danes, who held the small territories of and, permitted it until the 19th century. The Danish strictly forbade, apparently early the custom of sati at Tranquebar, a colony the held from 1620-1845 (whereas Serampore (Frederiksnagore) was Danish colony merely from 1755-1845). Early British policy [ ].

Widow Burning in India (August 1852), by the Wesleyan Missionary Society. Attempts to limit or ban the practice had been made by individual British officers in the 18th century, but without the backing of the. [ ] The first formal British ban was imposed in 1798, in the city of only.

The practice continued in surrounding regions. In the beginning of the 19th century, the evangelical church in Britain, and its members in India, started campaigns against sati. Leaders of these campaigns included and. These movements put pressure on the company to ban the act.

William Carey, and the other missionaries at conducted in 1803–04 a census on cases of sati for a region within a 30-mile radius of Calcutta, finding more than 300 such cases there. The missionaries also approached Hindu theologians, who opined that the practice was encouraged, rather than enjoined by the. Serampore was a Danish colony, rather than British, and the reason why Carey started his mission in Danish India, rather than in British, was because The East India Company did not accept Christian missionary activity within their domains.

In 1813, in a speech to the, William Wilberforce, with particular reference to the statistics on sati collected by Carey and the other Serampore missionaries, forced through a bill that made Christian missionary preaching in British India legal, to combat such perceived social evils as sati in his book Personal Narrative of a Mission to the South of India, from 1820 to 1828 reports an instance of Sati at Bangalore, which he did not personally witness. Another missionary, Mr. England, reports witnessing Sati in the on 9 June 1826. However, these practices were very rare after the Government of cracked down on the practice from the early 1800s (p. 82). The British authorities within the Bengal Presidency started systematically to collect figures on the practice in 1815. [ ] Principal reformers and 1829 ban [ ]. Plaque of Last Legal Sati of Bengal, The, effected by in 1829, was largely due to the efforts of both and reformers such as and.

In 1799 Carey, a from England, first witnessed the burning of a widow on her husband’s funeral pyre. Horrified by the practice, Carey and his coworkers and opposed sati from that point onward, lobbying for its abolishment. Known as the, they published essays forcefully condemning the practice and presented an address against Sati to then Governor General of India,. In 1812, founder of, began to champion the cause of banning sati practice. He was motivated by the experience of seeing his own sister-in-law being forced to commit sati.

He visited Kolkata’s cremation grounds to persuade widows against immolation, formed watch groups to do the same, sought the support of other elite Bengali classes, and wrote and disseminated articles to show that it was not required by Hindu scripture. He was at loggerheads with Hindu groups which did not want the Government to interfere in religious practices. From 1815-1818 Sati deaths doubled.

Ram Mohan Roy launched an attack on Sati that “aroused such anger that for awhile his life was in danger” In 1821 he published a tract opposing Sati, and in 1823 the Serampore missionaries led by Carey published a book containing their earlier essays, of which the first three chapters opposed Sati. Another Christian missionary published a tract against Sati in 1927., the founder of the, preached against the practice of sati in his area of influence, that is. He argued that the practice had no standing and only God could take a life he had given.

He also opined that widows could lead lives that would eventually lead to salvation., the supported Sahajanand Swami in this endeavor. In 1828 came to power as Governor of India. When he landed in Calcutta, he said that he felt “the dreadful responsibility hanging over his head in this world and the next, if he was to consent to the continuance of this practice (sati) one moment longer.” Bentinck decided to put an immediate end to Sati. Ram Mohan Roy warned Bentinck against abruptly ending Sati. Sati Stone from 18th century CE, now at the British Museum.

Sati remained legal in some for a time after it had been banned in lands under British control. And other princely states of banned the practice in 1840, whereas followed them in 1841, the princely state of some time before 1843. According to a speaker at the in 1842, the princely states of, and had by then banned sati. Banned the practice in 1846, while, and did the same in 1847. And were actively suppressing sati by 1849. Outlawed it in 1852 with having banned sati about the same time. The 1846 abolition in Jaipur was regarded by many British as a catalyst for the abolition cause within the; within 4 months after Jaipur's 1846 ban, 11 of the 18 independently governed states in Rajputana had followed Jaipur's example.

One paper says that in the year 1846-1847 alone, 23 states in the whole of India (not just within Rajputana) had banned sati. It was not before 1861 sati was legally banned in all princely states of India, resisting for a long time before that time.

The last legal case within princely states was from 1861 the capital of Mewar, but as Anant S. Altekar shows, local opinion had then shifted strongly against the practice. All the widows of Maharanna Sarup Singh flatly refused to become sati when asked, and the one who was burnt with him was a slave girl. Later the same year, the general ban on sati was issued by a proclamation from. Some princely states, such as the major of, were perceived not to ever have sanctioned sati within their domains. For example, the regent was asked by the if he should permit a sati to take place in 1818, but the regent urged him not to do so, since the custom of sati had never been acceptable in her domains. In another state, Sawunt Waree (), the king Khemsawant III (r.

1755–1803) is credited for having issued a positive prohibition of sati over a period of ten or twelve years. That prohibition from the 18th century may have lapsed, since in 1843, the government in Sawunt Waree issued a new prohibition of sati. Modern times [ ] Legislative status of sati in present-day India [ ].

'Ceremony of Burning a Hindu Widow with the Body of her Late Husband', from Pictorial History of China and India, 1851. Following the outcry after the sati of, the Indian Government enacted the Rajasthan Sati Prevention Ordinance, 1987 on 1 October 1987 and later passed the Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act, 1987. The Commission of Part I, Section 2(c) defines sati as: The burning or burying alive of – (i) any widow along with the body of her deceased husband or any other relative or with any article, object or thing associated with the husband or such relative; or (ii) any woman along with the body of any of her relatives, irrespective of whether such burning or burying is claimed to be voluntary on the part of the widow or the women or otherwise. A shrine to wives of the of who have committed sati. The palmprints are typical.

The Prevention of Sati Act makes it illegal to support, glorify or attempt to commit sati. Support of sati, including coercing or forcing someone to commit sati, can be punished by or, while glorifying sati is punishable with one to seven years in prison. Enforcement of these measures is not always consistent. The National Council for Women (NCW) has suggested amendments to the law to remove some of these flaws. Prohibitions of certain practices, such as worship at ancient shrines, is a matter of controversy. Current situation [ ] There have been 30 cases of sati or attempted sati over a 44-year period (1943-1987) in India, the official number being 28.

A well-documented case from 1987 was that of 18-year-old. In response to this incident, additional legislation against sati practice was passed, first within the state of Rajasthan, then nationwide by the central government of India. In 2002, a 65-year-old woman by the name of Kuttu died after sitting on her husband's funeral pyre in the Indian Panna district. On 18 May 2006, Vidyawati, a 35-year-old woman allegedly committed sati by jumping into the blazing funeral pyre of her husband in Rari-Bujurg Village, Fatehpur district in the State of Uttar Pradesh. On 21 August 2006, Janakrani, a 40-year-old woman, burned to death on the funeral pyre of her husband Prem Narayan in Sagar district; Janakrani had not been forced or prompted by anybody to commit the act. On 11 October 2008 a 75-year-old woman, Lalmati Verma, committed sati by jumping into her 80-year-old husband's funeral pyre at Checher in the Kasdol block of Chhattisgarh's Raipur district; Verma killed herself after mourners had left the cremation site. Scholars debate whether these rare reports of sati suicide by widows are related to culture or are examples of mental illness and suicide such as those found among women worldwide.

In the case of Roop Kanwar, Dinesh Bhugra states that there is a possibility that the suicides could be triggered by 'a state of depersonalization as a result of severe bereavement', then adds that it is unlikely that Kanwar had mental illness and culture likely played a role. However, Colucci and Lester state that none of the women reported by media to have committed sati had been given a psychiatric evaluation before their sati suicide and thus there is no objective data to ascertain if culture or mental illness was the primary driver behind their suicide. Inamdar, Oberfield and Darrell state that the women who commit sati are often 'childless or old and face miserable impoverished lives' which combined with great stress from the loss of the only personal support may be the cause of a widow's suicide.

Practice [ ] Accounts describe numerous variants in the sati ritual. The majority of accounts describe the woman seated or lying down on the funeral pyre beside her dead husband. Many other accounts describe women walking or jumping into the flames after the fire had been lit, and some describe women seating themselves on the funeral pyre and then lighting it themselves. Variations in procedure [ ] Although sati is typically thought of as consisting of the procedure in which the widow is placed, or enters, or jumps, upon the funeral pyre of her husband, slight variations in funeral practice have been reported here as well, by region. For example, the mid-17th-century traveler Tavernier claims that in some regions, the sati occurred by construction of a small hut, within which the widow and her husband were burnt, while in other regions, a pit was dug, in which the husband's corpse was placed along with flammable materials, into which the widow jumped after the fire had started.

In mid-nineteenth-century, an island in today's, the local aristocracy practiced widow suicide on occasion; but only widows of royal descent could burn themselves alive (others were stabbed to death by a first). At Lombok, a high bamboo platform was erected in front of the fire and, when the flames were at their strongest, the widow climbed up the platform and dived into the fire. Live burials [ ] Hindus only bury the bodies of those under the age of two. Those older than two are customarily cremated. A few European accounts provide rare descriptions of Indian sati that included the burial of the widow with her dead husband., a 17th-century world traveller and trader of gems, wrote that women were buried with their dead husbands along the while people danced during the cremation rites.

The 18th-century Flemish painter provided the only known eyewitness account of an Indian sati involving a burial. Solvyns states that the custom included the woman shaving her head, music and the event was guarded by officials.

He expresses admiration for the Hindu woman, but also calls the custom barbaric. The Commission of Part I, Section 2(c) includes within its definition of sati not just the act of burning a widow alive, but also that of burying her alive. Compulsion [ ] Sati is often described as voluntary, although in some cases it may have been forced.

In one narrative account in 1785, the widow appears to have been drugged either with or and was tied to the pyre which would have prevented her from escaping the fire, if she changed her mind. 'A Hindu Suttee', 1885 book The British local press of the time proffered several accounts of alleged forcing of the woman. As an example, published accounts as the following one: In 1822, the Salt Agent at Barripore, 16 miles south of Calcutta, went out of his way to report a case which he had witnessed, in which the woman was forcibly held down by a great bamboo by two men, so as to preclude all chance of escape. In Cuttack, a woman dropt herself into a burning pit, and rose up again as if to escape, when a washerman gave her a push with a bamboo, which sent her back into the hottest part of the fire.

This is said to be based on the set of official documents. Yet another such case appearing in official papers, transmitted into British journals, is case 41, page 411 here, where the woman was, apparently, thrown twice back in the fire by her relatives, in a case from 1821. Apart from accounts of direct compulsion, some evidence exists that precautions, at times, were taken so that the widow could not escape the flames once they were lit.

Altekar, for example, points out that it is much more difficult to escape a fiery pit you've jumped in, than descending from a pyre you have entered on. He mentions the custom of the fiery pit as particularly prevalent in the and western India.

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From and, where the widow typically was placed in a hut along with her husband, her leg was tied to one of the hut's pillars. Finally, from Bengal, where the tradition of the pyre held sway, the widow's feet could be tied to posts fixed to the ground, she was asked three times if she wished to ascend to heaven, before the flames were lit. The historian states that some historical records suggest without doubt that instances of sati were forced, but overall the evidence suggests most instances were a voluntary act on the woman's part. Symbolic sati [ ] Funeral custom [ ] There have been accounts of symbolic sati in some communities. A widow lies down next to her dead husband, and certain parts of both the marriage ceremony and the funeral ceremonies are enacted, but without her death.

An example in Sri Lanka is attested from modern times Although this form of symbolic sati has contemporary evidence, it should by no means be regarded as a modern invention. For example, the ancient and sacred, one of the four, believed to have been composed around 1000 BCE, describes a funerary ritual where the widow lies down by her deceased husband, but is then asked to descend, to enjoy the blessings from the children and wealth left to her. Jivit tradition [ ] In 20th-century India, a tradition developed of venerating jivit (living satis). A jivit is a woman who once desired to commit sati, but lives after having sacrificed her desire to die. Two famous jivit were Bala Satimata, and Umca Satimata, both living until the early 1990s. Prevalence [ ] Records of sati exist across the subcontinent.

However, there seems to have been major differences historically, in different regions, and among communities. Furthermore, no reliable figures exist for the numbers who have died by sati, in general.

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The bride throws herself on her husband's funeral pyre. This miniature painting made in Iran originates from the period of the, first half 17th century. (Attributed to the painter Muhammad Qasim.) Numbers [ ] A 1829 report by a Christian missionary organization includes among other things, statistics on sati. It begins with a declaration that 'the object of all missions to the heathen is to substitute for these systems the Gospel of Christ', thereafter lists sati for each year over the period 1815-1824 which totals 5,369, followed by a statement that a total of 5,997 instances of women were burned or buried alive in the Bengal presidency over the 10-year period, i.e., average 600 per year. In the same report, it states that the Madras and Bombay presidencies totaled 635 instances of sati over the same ten-year period.

The 1829 missionary report does not provide its sources and acknowledges that 'no correct idea can be formed of the number of murders occasioned by suttees', then states some of the statistics is based on 'conjectures'. According to Yang, these 'numbers are fraught with problems'., in a 1829 report, stated without specifying the year or period, that 'of the 463 satis occurring in the whole of the, 420 took place in Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, or what is termed the Lower Provinces, and of these latter 287 in the Calcutta Division alone'.

For the Upper Provinces, Bentinck added, 'in these Provinces the satis amount to forty three only upon a population of nearly twenty millions', i.e., average one sati per 465,000. Social composition and age distribution [ ] Anand Yang, speaking of the early nineteenth century CE, says that contrary to conventional wisdom, sati was not, in general, confined to being an upper class phenomenon, but spread through the classes/castes. In the 575 reported cases from 1823, for example, 41 percent were Brahmins, some 6 percent were Kshatriyas, whereas 2 percent were Vaishiyas, and 51 percent Sudras. In, though, in the 1815-1828 British records, the upper castes were only for two years represented with less than 70% of the total; in 1821, all sati were from the upper castes there. Yang notes that many studies seem to emphasize the young age of the widows who committed sati. However, by study of the British figures from 1815 to 1828, Yang states the overwhelming majority were ageing women: The statistics from 1825 to 1826 about two thirds were above the age of 40 when committing sati Regional variations of incidence [ ] Anand Yang summarizes the regional variation in incidence of sati as follows:.the practice was never generalized.but was confined to certain areas: in the north.the Gangetic Valley, and; in the west, to the southern region; and in the south, to and. Konkan/Maharashtra [ ] Narayan H.

Kulkarnee believes that sati became to be practiced in medieval days initially by the nobility claiming descent. Then, according to Kulkarnee, the practice of sati may have increased across caste distinctions as an honour saving custom in the face of Muslim advances into the territory. But, the practice never gained the type of prevalence as seen in Rajasthan or Bengal, and social customs of actively dissuading a widow from committing sati are well established. Apparently not a single instance of sati are attested for the 17th and 18th centuries CE. Vijayanagara empire [ ] The sati stone evidence from the time of the empire is regarded as relatively rare; only about 50 are clearly identified as such. Thus, Carla M.

Sinopoli, citing Verghese, says that despite the attention European travellers paid the phenomenon, it should be regarded as having been fairly uncommon during the time of the Vijayanagara empire. Madurai [ ] Sangam literature (200 BCE) mentions the Sati of a Chola queen. The, reigning 1529-1736 CE seems to have adopted the custom in larger measure; one Jesuit priest observing in 1609 Madurai the burning of 400 women at the death of Nayak Muttu Krishnappa. Kongu Nadu [ ] region of Tamil Nadu has the highest number of Veera Maha Sati (வீரமாசதி) or Veeramathy temples (வீரமாத்தி) from all the native Kongu castes.

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Kongu Nadu [ ] region of has the highest number of Veera Maha Satis (வீரமாசதி) or Veeramathys (வீரமாத்தி) in South India. Talk about the Sati of a queen. Princely State of Mysore [ ] Established in 1799, a few records exist from the that say permission to commit sati could be granted. Dewan (prime minister) is said to have allowed it for a Brahmin widow in 1805, whereas an 1827 eye-witness to the burning of a widow in in 1827 says it was rather uncommon there.

Gangetic plain [ ] In the Upper Gangetic plain, while it occurred, there is no indication that it was especially widespread. The earliest known attempt by a government to stop the practice took place here, that of, in the in the 14th century. In the Lower Gangetic plain, the practice may have reached a high level fairly late in history.

According to available evidence and the existing reports of the occurrences of it, the greatest incidence of sati in any region and period, in total numbers, occurred in Bengal and Bihar in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Nepal and Bali [ ] The earliest stone inscription in South Asia relating to sati has been found in, dated to be from the 5th century, wherein the king successfully persuades his mother to not commit sati when his father died.

This inscription suggests that sati practice was known but not compelled. Nepal formally banned sati in 1920. On the island of, sati (known as masatya) was practised by the aristocracy as late as 1903, until the Dutch colonial masters pushed for its termination, forcing the local Balinese princes to sign treaties containing the prohibition of sati as one of the clauses. Early Dutch observers of the particular Balinese custom in the 17th century said that only widows, themselves of royal blood, were to be burned alive. Principles Of Marketing Kotler 15th Global Edition Pdf Free Download.

Concubines or others of inferior blood lines consenting to die with their princely husband could choose to be stabbed to death before burning. Terminology [ ] Part of on • •. • The spelling suttee is a phonetic spelling using the 19th-century English orthography. The sati transliteration uses the more modern (International Alphabet of Sanskrit Transliteration) which is the academic standard for writing the Sanskrit language with the Latin alphabet system. • Hindu and Buddhist influences arrived in Vietnam by early centuries of 1st millennium, likely from trade and the Cambodian Khmer influence.

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In the 10th century CE, Mahayana Buddhism became the officially sponsored religion. From the 11th century and thereafter, Buddhism in Vietnam incorporated many Chinese Confucian influences. • Hindu and Buddhist influences arrived in Cambodia by the mid 1st millennium, likely over both land trading routes and maritime Asian trade. Mahayana Buddhism likely arrived in the 5th or 6th century CE. Mahayana competed with Hinduism from the 8th century onwards, as Khmer kings switched their royal support as they warred with Siam kings, with becoming the officially sponsored religion in the 12th century and starting to arrive. From the 15th century and thereafter, Theravada Buddhism replaced Mahayana, and became the predominant religion. • According to Fangqin Du and Susan Mann, official Ming Dynasty records praise widow suicide in 400 biographies, while 30,000 'model women' are listed in historic local gazetteers for ending their lives as 'chaste, virtuous women' loyal to their dead husband.

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In Qing dynasty the number of widow suicide increased, then fell. • According to Arvind Sharma, a professor of Comparative Religion, 'in most accounts of sati of the pre-17th century period, in which the role of the can be identified, they appear in the role of persons dissuading the widow from committing sati.' • at its greatest extent in 19th-century, this Presidency included modern era states of Utar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal, parts of Assam, Tripura in India and modern era Bangladesh References and comments [ ].